Cape Disappointment
![Fort George [Astoria]](https://nancymargueriteanderson.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/C-040856-e1567969308646.jpg)
Fort George [Astoria] where James Birnie spent many years in the service of the HBC. Image from Library and Archives Canada, number C-040856, and used with their permission. It was painted by Henry James Warre, and we obviously know now when he did the original drawing. (This is not Cape Disappointment, but Fort George [Astoria], which was across the river from Cape Disappointment.)
I am exploring what happened when Henry James Warre came to the Columbia district in August 1845, travelling in with Peter Skene Ogden. There were some very interesting conversations going on at the time, and it seems to me that Warre interfered in the HBC’s business in the Columbia District. That would be a very interesting story, if he did — but did he? Did he have Governor Simpson’s permission to do what he did, or did he act on his own hook?
On August 26, 1845, Peter Skene Ogden, Richard Lane, and the two British officers (Warre and Vavasour) arrived at Fort Vancouver, according to Thomas Lowe, who said:
About 7 o’clock this morning we were agreeably surprised by the arrival of Chief Factor [Peter Skene] Ogden, Mr. [Richard] Lane, and two English Officers. The Party left Red River on the 15th June, came on horseback as far as [Fort] Colvile, and from thence down the Columbia in a River Boat, having been 70 days on the trip [from Red River]. Mr. Ogden, who was formerly in charge of New Caledonia, and went across the Mountains in the Spring of 1844, has since then been to Europe, and again returned to this department. Mr. Lane, who was Accountant at Red River, comes to Vancouver to act in the same capacity, Mr. [Dugald] MacTavish being appointed by the Governor and Council to the charge of Fort Victoria… The two Officers are on leave of absence from their regiments, stationed in Canada, and have come, it seems, principally on a pleasure trip, although they are also furnished with instruments for making geographical surveys. One named Vavassour [sic], is a Lieutenant, and the Lieutenant Warre belongs to the 54th Regiment, and is Aide de Camp to Sir Richard Jackson, Commander of the Forces in Canada.
On the evening of August 27, Chief Factor John McLoughlin arrived at Fort Vancouver from the Willamette Falls. How will Peter Skene Ogden explain his presence at Fort Vancouver, seeing as John McLoughlin would not know Ogden was a future member of the Board of Management which would be set up a few months later? Fortunately, Ogden has the perfect response to that question: land claims. On August 30, Lowe noted in his journal: “Mr. Ogden left this before dinner for Fort George, in order to take a Claim on Cape Disappointment.”
So, land claims is why Peter Skene Ogden is here: and it seems to be not entirely a cover story, as you will see below. But first: On September 2, Thomas Lowe tells us that “after breakfast, Mr. Douglas, Lieuts. Warre and Vavassour, Mr. David McLoughlin [John McLoughin’s son], and Mr. [James] Sangster left this in the Green Boat on a trip to the Willamette.” The Green Boat returned from the Willamette on September 5, without its passengers.
Thomas Lowe’s journal continues, with Peter Skene Ogden returning from Cape Disappointment on September 9, “where he had taken a claim.” On September 16, Ogden escorted Warre and Vavasour downriver to Fort George. They have arranged to meet James Douglas at the Cowlitz River on their return up the Columbia. Douglas will escort them north to Fort Nisqually and Fort Victoria. Peter Skene Ogden has other work to do: on October 16, he heads upriver from Fort Vancouver to Kamloops and Fort Colvile, where he organizes an important project — the exploration of a new trail from Kamloops to Fort Langley for the HBC Brigades. The person who will undertake this exploration is A.C. Anderson, who in 1845 had written a letter to Governor Simpson at Red River, explaining that he thought that such a trail would soon be needed.
So, the Cape Disappointment part of this story is what I am trying to sort out in this post. I have learned that the story is more complicated than that simple outline taken from Thomas Lowe’s journals. There is a story there, and it is an interesting one.
So, let’s start at Red River, which is where the story actually begins. In some of the correspondence I have seen, you might get a hint that the British Royal Navy was interested in protecting their interests in the Columbia, but you would never think that they were ready to go to war with the United States. They were, however, and it was real: in March, 1845, Governor Simpson told the London Committee that “it would be absolutely necessary for the protection of the Company’s interests in Hudson’s Bay that a small military force should be stationed at Red River…” (There actually was a military force at Red River a few years later, established for that exact purpose: I know this because a family member was in charge of those soldiers. His name was Major George Seton (1819-1905), of the 74th Highlands and the Royal Canadian Rifles (British Army). Seton came to Lower Fort Garry, Red River, in advance of his troops, in about 1854-55, and, in July 1857, he met Captain John Palliser, of the Palliser Expedition, there. After his visit to Red River, Palliser came on to Victoria where he met Alexander Caulfield Anderson, George Seton’s first cousin.
But to go on with Simpson’s letter: he also thought it necessary that a route should be opened through the Rocky Mountains for troops, in case war was declared in Oregon Territory. (And that was why Peter Skene Ogden, Warre, and Vavasour came west to Fort Colvile by the mountainous route they used.) In addition to this, he thought that two ships of war and two steamers should be stationed near the mouth of the Columbia River, where they could take control of Cape Disappointment, on which they would erect a “strong battery,” where American “ships entering the River must pass so close under the Cape that shells might be dropped almost with certainty upon their decks from the battery.” (Is the man mad?) He thought that the two steamers would cross the bar when needed, and the two sailing ships would take their position in Puget Sound, or at San Francisco. He also suggested that a large body of soldiers be attached to these two (or four) ships of war, and that another group of 2,000 men (“half-breeds and Indians”) might be collected (probably at Red River), together with sufficient officers to command and discipline them.
As Simpson wrote this letter to the London Committee, I am presuming he actually meant what he said. His letter to Peter Skene Ogden instructed Ogden to cross the mountains by the “Bon [Bow?] River Pass,” in the hopes it would prove a good route for an army to pass through on their way to the Columbia from Red River. Ogden was to reach the Columbia as soon as possible, hopefully in early August. Richard Lane was not coming west to act as accountant for Fort Vancouver, as Lowe thought (above), but would be Ogden’s special assistant in manning and running the Cape Disappointment “battery.” Ogden was also to meet with Lieutenant Fremont, of the United States Army, who was to have left St. Louis in April for the same destination. Why, I wonder?
(So here’s what happened to Fremont: Lieutenant Fremont, of the Corps of Topographical Engineers, accompanied the emigration of 1843. He remained a short time the Oregon Country and attempted to return to the United States in the autumn. He was prevented by snow from recrossing the Rocky Mountains, however, and so went to California, where he wintered. He returned to the United Sates in the following summer: 1844, I presume. So Peter Skene Ogden and the two Engineers did not come close to meeting with Fremont, as Simpson had planned.)
Simpson’s instructions to Peter Skene Ogden continued: “The first object to be attended to on arrival there is to take possession, on behalf of the Hudson’s Bay Company, of Cape Disappointment, ostensibly with a view to the forming of a trading post and pilot lookout (should it not have been previously occupied on behalf of the United States Gov’t, or any of its citizens.)” And then he warned that this letter was to be kept completely confidential: that “the object of Messrs. Warre and Vavasour’s journey be not disclosed, but that it be given out that they are known to us only as private travellers for the pleasure of field sports and scientific pursuits.”
Simpson also wrote letters of instruction to Warre and Vavasour, giving them a long list of expectations. From Red River, Simpson said, they would accompany Ogden west. Simpson’s instructions to Warre and Vavasour continued:
While in Oregon Territory, I have to suggest your close examination of Cape Disappointment, a headland on the North bank of the Columbia River at its outlet to the Pacific, overlooking the Ship Channel, and commanding as far as I was able to judge when upon the spot from superficial observation, the navigation of the River, the occupation of which as a fortification would, in my opinion, be of much importance in the event of hostilities between England and the United States. Mr. Ogden has private instructions from me to take possession of that headland on behalf of the Hudson’s Bay Company, ostensibly with a view of forming a trading post and “Pilot’s Lookout” thereon…”
In his separate report, Vavasour (who was a Royal Engineer, or both a solder and an engineer) described Cape Disappointment as “a high, bold headland, consisting of two bluffs having perpendicular scarps towards the sea, connected by a narrow ridge running nearly N. and S. of about 30 feet in width on the top, the face being nearly perpendicular, and about 320 feet in height, sloping more gradually to rear, where it is connected with the main land by a neck of 300 yards in width. The sea coast for about 1/2 a mile presents a scarp of about the same height as the Cape….”
So I said above that Thomas Lowe said Ogden had returned from Cape Disappointment on September 9, 1845, having made a land claim there. He had purchased land from an American named James Saules. However, on October 2, Ogden reported to Warre:
I regret to say that my purchase of the Cape is now null and void. The man I purchased it from had no right to dispose of it. Two men, Americans, viz: Wheeler and McDaniell, had a prior claim. They, however, proposed to part with it for $900.00, which I refused, having no authority vested in me to negotiate.
Ogden also did not want to appear over-anxious to get his hands on the land claim. This letter was written on October 2, 1845. On October 3, he headed up the Columbia River on a second important duty: that is, to arrange for the exploration of the brigade trail between Forts Kamloops and Langley. He was at Fort Colvile on October 22 when he wrote his letter of instruction to the gentlemen of New Caledonia. He was still at Fort Colvile when the incoming York Factory Express that carried in Governor Simpson’s bombshell letters to Chief Factor John McLoughlin arrived at the fort. He came downriver with the boats, and arrived at Fort Vancouver with the Express boats on November 8, 1845.
Then, on November 17, 1845, Warre returned to Fort Vancouver from Fort Victoria. He responded to Ogden’s letter, above, by quoting Governor Simpson’s instructions to him, before asking: “In consequence of the foregoing extract I have to request that we may be informed whether it is the intention of the Hudson’s Bay Company to occupy Cape Disappointment according to the orders of Sir G. Simpson, as conveyed in his confidential letters to us.”
Ogden had written the letter about the failure of his Land Claim the day before he left Fort Vancouver on his second important duty: setting up the exploration for the new HBC Brigade trails to Fort Langley. I think he was more than a little irritated with Warre, and I can’t say as I blame him. McLoughlin could be of no help in this matter: the letters he had received in the incoming Express had informed him of the plans that Governor Simpson had, in regard to Peter Skene Ogden becoming a member of the Board of Management that was being set up to replace him. It must have felt like betrayal: McLoughlin would hardly be polite to Ogden, and besides, he had nothing to do with Simpson’s instructions to Ogden. All Ogden could say to Warre is what he did say:
having perused and duly considered the remarks you make, as also the extract from Sir G. Simpson’s letter to you, still, I cannot consider myself authorized to purchase the claim on Cape Disappointment, altho’ most anxious to meet your wishes, and from the following extract from Sir G. Simpson marked “Private and Confidential”:
“You will distinctly understand, however, that neither Cape Disappointment, Tongue Point, nor any other place, is to be taken possession of by the Hon’ble H.B. Company, if already possessed or occupied on behalf of the United States Government or its citizens.”
The above paragraph binds me down and deprives me of all power or authority, under existing circumstances to act; and should you not consider it of sufficient importance to authorize me to purchase the claims, I cannot, situated as I am, take the responsibility on myself.
It was pretty clear to Ogden that Simpson was telling him that he could not purchase a land claim from an American citizen (although he must have purchased Saules’s claim). Warre, it seemed, disagreed. Then commenced a short argument (well, perhaps just a series of short-tempered business letters) between the two gentlemen. Firstly, Warre asked Ogden if the current owners (Wheeler and McDaniell) had registered their claim, or whether the first owner of the property (Saules) still had the right to sell the property, if they had not. Ogden answered that James Saules had been Wheeler and McDaniell’s employee and therefore had no right to dispose of the property; that Wheeler and McDaniell had erected a building on their claim, “thereby rendering their right to it still more valid;” and that, finally, Wheeler and McDaniell had six months in which to register their claim before it was ruled null and void. Warre seemed to think that Ogden had misunderstood Simpson’s instructions, but responded that he could not consider himself justified in authorizing Ogden to purchase Cape Disappointment. Warre’s last letter was written in November: Ogden was going to be away from Fort Vancouver for about two months. Then, in February he wrote to Warre stating that he had purchased the property at the Cape, and had registered that same property in the Land Office. He had done this on his own responsibility and, presumably, without knowing whether or not he would be reimbursed by the company for this personal expenditure.
I can’t blame Ogden for being away from Fort Vancouver after the Express came in: McLoughlin would have been so angry with both him and Douglas. Douglas and John Work left Fort Vancouver on October 24, for Fort Victoria. McLoughlin was still at the fort until early January: but where was Ogden?
On October 26, Ogden and Francis Ermatinger headed down to Willamette Falls, altho’ Ogden was to return in a day or so. He must have done so, because on December 12, Thomas Lowe said he again left for the Willamette Falls. He returned to the fort on December 17, and left again the next day. James Douglas returned from Fort Victoria on December 17. Ogden returned on December 31. On January 6, 1846, Dr. McLoughlin headed for Willamette Falls, where he was “to remain for some time,” according the Lowe. (His family moved to the Willamette on January 17, as the McLoughlin house was now ready.) Warre and Vavasosur were almost always aboard the Modeste, it seems. But on February 14, 1846, Lowe says that “Mr. Ogden purchased the claim at Cape Disappointment from Wheeler and McDaniel for 1000 dollars, and Mr. McDonald was despatched on the afternoon to Oregon City to have it recorded by Dr. Long.” Although Thomas Lowe does not say so, Ogden must have gone downriver to Fort George, where he negotiated for and paid for the land claim for Cape Disappointment.
In March 1846, Warre and Vavasour left Fort Vancouver for the east.
So, in regards to the reimbusement of the money that Ogden spent on the land claim: Ogden was in luck. In June 1846, Warre reported from Red River that “Sir G. Simpson… approved of the purchase of Cape Disappointment, and gave orders for the Post formerly at Fort George on the south bank of the River to be removed to that headland. The expense of the purchase of which would be defrayed in the accounts of the Hudson’s Bay Company for the current year.”
So, it seems, Fort George would be moved across the river to Cape Disappointment. Was it?
I have learned what I wanted to know. But did the original argument at the beginning of this post get answered? I suppose it did, after a fashion. I don’t really know if you would call what Warre did interference in HBC business, but in its way, it was. For someone who was not a member of the HBC itself, it seems he threw his weight around a bit. We know that Ogden did not like Warre: perhaps it is also true that Warre did not like Ogden.
This is probably my last blogpost for this year: Have a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year. I will. I have an entire week of writing time.
Copyright, Nancy Marguerite Anderson, 2024. All rights reserved.
- Warre and Vavasour’s Report
- Thomas Lowe, Fall 1845
Interesting reading regarding the journey of Warre and Vavasour along with their interactions with HBC. You probably have read the account of their trip offered in another article from the OHS quite a few years ago https://archive.org/details/jstor-20609791/page/n1/mode/2up?view=theater
In Warre’s account, he mentions the death of his uncle, Lt. General Sir Richard Downes Jackson – commander of British forces in Canada – for whom Warre served as an aide-de-camp before being sent west by Jackson. Warre came from a prominent military family from his own father – his father and Jackson both served previously in the Peninsula – with family wealth going back to the port trade in Portugal. Presumably, Jackson was aware of Warre’s artistic abilities which helped in his choice for the mission – with Vavasour added to give an engineer’s perspective of forts built and possibly planned for.
While Warre went on to a long career in the Royal Army culminating in the command of the Bombay Army as a lieutenant general, Vavasour’s career is a little more obscured. Possibly problems from alcohol and opium as claimed by Ogden in his notes.
Keep up the interesting work.
Thank you! That’s very interesting information you just gave me. Ogden said that (re: Vavasour??) I will keep an eye open for that in the documents I have.